Ukrainian troops are conducting complex operations on the front lines, but problems with mobilization and financial support remain acute. At the same time, certain decisions regarding reservations could change the approach to troop staffing.
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Andriy Romanchuk, deputy commander of the “Lava” unmanned systems regiment of the 2nd Corps of the National Guard of Ukraine “Charter,” spoke in an exclusive interview with the “Warrior of Freedom” channel about a unique underground operation in the Kharkiv region, mobilization challenges, attitudes toward economic reservation, and actual pay for assault troops, according to 24 Channel.
Underground Operation in the Kharkiv Region: How the Offensive Was Prepared
"Charter" carried out a successful counteroffensive in the Kharkiv region: Defense Forces advanced 15 kilometers through underground tunnels into the enemy’s rear in the Kupiansk direction. Your regiment took direct part in the operation. How long did the preparations take, and what role did technology – particularly drones – play?
We are truly proud that the operation was a success. The corps will gradually inform the public and the media about what we were able to accomplish and exactly how it happened. We will release new details step by step, as we do not want to reveal the specifics of the operation to the enemy.
I can say that it all began with a concept from the corps commander. In fact, it was his idea, which was later worked out in detail.
Fighting in the Kharkiv region: see the map
If we objectively assess the situation from a military tactical standpoint, this was a highly unconventional decision that initially seemed difficult for us to carry out. The team’s coordinated efforts played a crucial role. The operation was extremely complex, and later, when new materials become available, you’ll be able to better understand its scale.
We are glad that the team’s cohesion, belief in our common cause, technology, determination to defeat the enemy, and new ideas for using technical equipment made it possible to carry out this plan.
At the same time, the operation took place in parallel with the actions of our comrades from the Third Army Corps. We are operating on a different section of the front, which differs in terms of terrain, proximity to the state border, and other circumstances.
Note that “Operation "Vivaldi" ” is mentioned – a large-scale counteroffensive by the Third Army Corps in the Donetsk region that began in May. Ukrainian forces combined a mechanized offensive, strikes against Russian logistics, and the massive use of drones and ground-based robotic systems. This helped to disrupt the enemy, cut off its supply lines, and liberate a number of settlements. One of the key outcomes was the thwarting of the Russian army’s plans to advance toward the Donetsk region.
Given these circumstances, this particular approach seemed to us to be the most optimal for conducting the operation. A key element, of course, was the underground operations carried out by our comrades from the 13th Brigade and the “Rukh” Regiment, which are part of the corps. Our task was to provide air support. I believe that all units successfully carried out their assigned tasks.
Full interview with Romanchuk: watch the video
De-reservation, the Defense-Industrial Complex, and Outsourcing for the Military
The government is considering reducing the percentage of reserved workers at enterprises in the defense industry, energy sector, and utilities. Representatives of the defense industry are already stating that they lack personnel, and further de-reservation could complicate operations even further. What is your take on this idea? Is this issue truly overdue?
My stance on this issue is twofold. First and foremost, we do not want the economy and businesses to face problems they cannot handle. We rely heavily not only on assistance from Western allies and partner countries, but also on Ukrainian businesses, which play a key role in supplying the Defense Forces – particularly with the equipment currently being manufactured and used by the military. Therefore, I would not want the government to create additional problems for such companies.
At the same time, we frequently visit manufacturers, especially those producing drones, as this is one of the largest sectors of Ukrainian manufacturing. When you walk into one workshop, then another, and assess the quality of the products, certain questions arise. Very often, 80–90%, and sometimes even 100%, of the workers there are young men who could be serving as pilots but instead are performing relatively simple assembly work.
Perhaps this isn’t entirely a fair observation, but in my opinion, women could be involved much more actively in these processes. It shouldn’t be the case that 90–100% of the workers assembling components are young men. This isn’t particularly complex work, and there is room for change here.
However, it is fundamentally important for the military that the economy functions, as support for the front lines depends on it. This applies to both the energy sector and the defense-industrial complex.
I think the government needs to find a balanced solution. However, this problem must be addressed comprehensively. For example, some of the functions currently performed by military units themselves could be outsourced to private companies.
Could you please specify exactly which companies and functions you are referring to?
Currently, military units independently organize the work of many services. These include, in particular, procurement, legal support, auditing, logistics, and other areas. Some of these functions could be outsourced to private companies, which would provide the relevant services to military units and have draft exemptions.
After all, some specialists who could perform such work as civilian experts instead go through the TRC, basic military training (BMT) and only join units after several months. Yet we do not need them as military personnel.
I’m not sure if such a reform can realistically be implemented during martial law, but a significant portion of the functions – software development, IT, legal support, auditing, and logistics – can be delegated to private companies. They would carry out these tasks for military units. The second area is the de-reservation of personnel itself.
We need to categorize enterprises and determine where there is truly an excess of reserved employees.
In my opinion, the defense-industrial complex should be among the last sectors where mobilization quotas should be reduced. The third area involves a different approach to military personnel who have left their units without authorization (deserters). In my view, there are several categories among them.
The first consists of those who were already on the front lines but left their units due to certain circumstances, conflicts, or fear. This is a complex category, and each such situation must be considered individually.
The second category consists of those who desert during basic military training, before even being assigned to a combat unit.
The third category consists of those who leave the service during the period between the Territorial Recruitment Center (TRC) and Basic Military Training. We need to talk to these people, explain the options available to them, and find ways for them to return to service.
In our unmanned systems regiment, there are service members who have returned after going AWOL. Therefore, I believe that the state can solve the problem of manpower shortages if it takes a comprehensive approach and utilizes all available opportunities.
The Military’s Attitude Toward Draft Exemptions and Myths About Mobilization
How do soldiers feel about exemptions in civilian life? Does a sense of injustice arise when some people have exemptions while others have been fighting for several years? For example, when you see that even the Kyiv Circus has a mobilization exemption, you wonder if that’s really a critically important sector.
Of course, such thoughts arise, because spending several years on the front lines is no easy feat. There are areas where the situation is even more intense than here, but it’s still difficult here as well. When you talk to the guys, especially those who’ve been fighting for five years now, you hear comments about injustice and a certain imbalance in society.
At the same time, I wouldn’t say that a categorical opposition to deferments or a new wave of mobilization currently prevails in the military. Attitudes and ways of thinking are gradually changing. You’re focused on carrying out combat missions, defeating the enemy, and hoping that sooner or later others will join you. Of course, I’d like to see this happen more actively.
Currently, voluntary recruitment and mobilization have practically come to a halt, although activity was high in 2022, 2023, and even 2024. “The Charter” as a corps, as well as our units, brigades, and regiments, enjoy a good reputation. We honor our promises and commitments to the volunteers who join us.
Despite this, the level of voluntary recruitment is now, unfortunately, extremely low.
Have you met any soldiers who, before mobilization, feared that immediately after joining the army and completing basic military training, they would end up on the front lines in the infantry? Could such myths be deterring Ukrainians from volunteering for mobilization and choosing a specific specialty?
Such myths do exist, and we’re constantly trying to debunk them. To be honest, I don’t know where they come from. For example, if you’re assigned to a drone systems regiment – and during voluntary mobilization, the chances of ending up in such a unit are particularly high – you can undergo specialized pilot training, either before or after mobilization.
Then you go through all the necessary procedures and join the unit. How, in that case, could you end up in the infantry? I don’t understand where this myth came from.
The “Charter” actually follows an approach where a place in the infantry must be earned. After all, as you may have seen during “ Operation "Veles" ” and our other operations, the infantry is made up of the most motivated, professional, and well-trained fighters who possess a high tolerance for stress. That’s why stories about someone being taken from Lviv to the Territorial Recruitment Center and then finding themselves on the front lines in the infantry the very next day strike me as Russian propaganda. That simply doesn’t happen.
Every mobilized soldier undergoes 58 days of basic military training. This is a mandatory procedure, since the training centers are not under our jurisdiction, and we cannot remove a person from there early.
Moreover, deploying a servicemember to a combat zone without proper training and basic military training carries criminal liability. We have comrades who are undergoing basic military training and already have some training in civilian life. They would be willing to shorten this process, but it’s simply impossible.
After returning from basic military training, a person undergoes another 14 days of adaptation directly within the unit, and only then does full-fledged service begin.
We are always committed to ensuring that service members are as fully prepared as possible in every respect.
If it’s a pilot, they don’t go straight into the field. At first, they gradually ease into the job, learn, and gain experience, since they have to master drones and learn how to operate them.
Above all, we prioritize human life. Soldiers also value their own lives; they may feel fear, anxiety, and worry – that’s only natural. The better a soldier is trained, the fewer risks they face.
Demobilization and Critical Questions Regarding Soldiers’ Pay
A soldier with the call sign “Officer” said that the backbone of the army is now made up of volunteers who joined in 2024. Those who joined earlier may have been wounded or discharged due to health issues. At the same time, it is time for these soldiers to advance and move into higher positions, but there is almost no one to replace them, as there are practically no proactive volunteers. Is there really no demobilization – even partial – at the moment, and how great is the need for military personnel?
It’s hard to give specific numbers. Today in Ukraine, the very profile of a volunteer has changed significantly. Now, a volunteer is someone who, in one way or another, has ended up at the Territorial Recruitment Center, after which military units – including ours – begin to reach out to them.
We explain how everything works and what to expect, and once they understand the situation, they accept this life challenge and join the military. Our “Lava” regiment began as a drone systems battalion about a year ago and very quickly grew into a regiment.
All this time, we’ve been constantly working with people who are joining the military: we talk to them, explain our approaches, and demonstrate through our own example how everything works.
Frankly speaking, I’m pleased with the results of our “Lava” regiment and the “Charter” Corps as a whole, particularly with how well we’re able to communicate with people.
Of course, different situations arise, but overall we’re satisfied with the people who join us. I hope that the servicemen themselves are also satisfied with our attitude, our approaches, and the results of our combat operations.
Without any unnecessary grandstanding: we must stand firm and defend the state against the Russian occupiers. There’s no point in harboring illusions about a possible reconciliation, because this war is aimed at the destruction of Ukrainians. If, in 2022, young men and women – along with the entire nation – had not stood up to defend the state, the consequences could have been catastrophic. Russian women would be going to the theater in Lviv in their nightgowns, thinking they were expensive dresses. We cannot allow such a scenario to repeat itself.
We have an interesting slogan: 100 years ago we fought near Lviv, and now we’re fighting near Kharkiv – so we’re making progress.
But right now, the war is going through a very difficult phase. We need to unite and repel the enemy. That in itself is already a great victory for the country.
How could the government make mobilization more appealing? It’s not uncommon to hear from service members that it’s difficult to support a family on a base pay of 20,000 to 30,000 hryvnias. On top of that, people worry about what will happen if they’re wounded. Perhaps the government isn’t doing enough to explain what payments, benefits, and free services are available to service members?
It’s hard for me to give a definitive answer to this question, because I view the situation somewhat differently. First of all, during wartime, we – the military – aren’t doing the government any favors. We are defending our families, our property, our lives, our businesses, our territory, and our history. Therefore, I do not think in terms of the state being obligated to provide military personnel with certain material benefits in exchange for their service.
When the war ends and former Ukrainian servicemembers are carrying out peacekeeping missions on other continents or in other countries, then we can discuss how fair their financial support is. But that is already a matter of moral ethics.
At the same time, there is an important point in your question. Service members carrying out combat missions do not receive only 30,000 hryvnias. The state has addressed this issue, and the actual pay can be significantly higher.
The base pay is approximately 25,000 hryvnias, to which 30,000, 50,000, or 100,000 hryvnias are added depending on the combat missions being carried out.
Assault troops receive significantly more. The pay for this category of service members can range from 250,000 to 460,000 hryvnias. That is precisely why I say that the position of an assault trooper must be earned.
So, in material terms, the state provides the means to carry out combat missions. It’s also important to understand that our Western allies and partners provide financial support for this.
In addition, the military has other material support – vehicles, equipment, and the necessary resources. Of course, not everything is provided at the highest level, but it allows us to do our jobs. So, to be frank, we’re carrying out this mission not for anyone else, but first and foremost because we understand what our future depends on.
This interview has been condensed, corrected, and edited for better audience understanding.
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