Ukrainian drones are increasingly reaching Russian cities, and local residents and propagandists are forced to talk about a war they previously saw mainly on television screens. Following the strikes on Voronezh, Russians began complaining about the danger to civilians, and Vladimir Solovyov is already talking about defending the skies near Moscow.
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In his analysis published by 24 Channel, journalist Roman Tsymbalyuk examined how Ukrainian attacks are changing the rhetoric of Russian propaganda and why its representatives are increasingly talking about threats within Russia. He also highlighted the contradiction between the Kremlin’s new demands regarding NATO, the behavior of the Russian leadership, and the policies of the Donald Trump administration.
Voronezh Felt the Effects of the War
On October 26, Voronezh came under a massive drone attack, after which fires, damage to buildings, and damage to transportation infrastructure were reported in the city. According to data provided by the Russian side, two people were killed and 17 others were injured.
One of the targets was the Voronezh Joint-Stock Aircraft Manufacturing Company (VASO). Until 2014, the company collaborated with Ukrainian aircraft manufacturers in the production of the An-148 and An-158 aircraft, which were purchased, in particular, by Russian government agencies.
There were also reports of a strike on the Northern Bridge, which connects the city’s central and railway districts. In the suburbs, debris from a downed drone, according to Russian reports, fell onto the Anapa–Moscow passenger train, injuring five people.
Residents of Voronezh posted videos of the smoke-filled city and described nighttime explosions. One woman said the attack lasted about three hours; another wasn’t sure whether she should wake her child and seek a safer place.
Tsymbalyuk drew attention not only to the consequences of the strikes themselves but also to the Russians’ reaction. In the comments under the video, they began to express outrage that Ukrainians were not offering them sympathy and reminded viewers that ordinary people also live in Voronezh.
“The Russians are offended by us – they ask why we’re happy when Russian cities are burning. I myself hold the view that these Russians have no influence whatsoever. They don’t have any influence yet, but we’ll see what happens next,”
He contrasted the Russian outrage with the years-long attacks on Ukrainian cities. Since the start of Russian aggression in 2014, Ukraine has regularly faced shelling, destruction, and civilian casualties; however, a significant portion of Russian society previously viewed the war as something far removed from their own lives.
After the strikes on Voronezh, the same questions arose that Ukrainians have been living with for years: where to hide, what to do during an air raid, and whether it’s safe to stay at home. Tsymbalyuk reminded everyone who made the decision that led to a full-scale war.
Why was Voronezh targeted? “I have decided to conduct a special military operation.” That’s the crux of the matter
The geography of dangerous incidents in Russia is not limited to border regions. In particular, near Yekaterinburg, there were reports of freight train cars derailing and a fire involving seven fuel tank cars. The causes of the train accident, based on the reports provided, remain unclear.
Solovyov called the war a matter for all Russians
The reaction of Voronezh residents to Ukrainian strikes stands in stark contrast to the statements of Russian propagandists. While civilians ask why they must suffer because of the Kremlin’s decisions, state television continues to justify the invasion and call for its continuation.
Vladimir Solovyov’s words were particularly telling. During his broadcast, he addressed those who view Russia’s aggression against Ukraine solely as Putin’s personal decision.
“They are completely convinced that this is Putin’s war. Understand this: this is our people’s war. This is our people’s war. And until we finish you off, we will not stop,”
Tsymbalyuk noted that such wording contradicts the attempts by some Russians to distance themselves from the war and its consequences. One of the most prominent figures in Kremlin propaganda is openly speaking about the involvement of the entire Russian society in the conflict, not just the political leadership.
At the same time, Russian television continues to revise its own explanations for the army’s failures. In particular, one broadcast once again discussed the Russian offensive on Kyiv during the first weeks of the full-scale invasion.
One of the Russian military commanders stated that he had already seen the Ukrainian capital on the eighth day of the war. For Tsymbalyuk, this was yet another confirmation that the Russian command had indeed attempted to capture Kyiv, although propaganda later began to attribute the retreat to other reasons.
“If your supreme commander sent a Russian horde toward Kyiv, and it failed to carry out its combat mission, was destroyed, and the remnants fled, then there’s no need to play on people’s pity and cry about it here on the air,”
Russian programs also mentioned the war correspondents who accompanied the units during the advance on Kyiv. They witnessed attempts to advance toward the capital, but now propagandists are increasingly talking about alleged deception on the part of the West and unfulfilled political agreements.
Such explanations allow the Russian leadership to divert attention from the results of the failed offensive. The army, which propaganda had promised would be in Kyiv in a few days, was forced to withdraw from the Kyiv region, and the war has been going on for over four years.
Despite this, the Kremlin is not backing down from its maximalist demands and is attempting to reintroduce into international negotiations the ultimatums it had put forward even before the invasion.
Putin is again demanding that NATO withdraw
According to The Telegraph, as cited by Tsymbalyuk, Russia wants to use upcoming negotiations on ending the war to renegotiate NATO’s military presence in Europe. These are the same demands the Kremlin made in December 2021, insisting on a return to the Alliance’s 1997 configuration.
At that time, Moscow demanded restrictions on the deployment of NATO military infrastructure in countries that joined the alliance later. Now, the Russian leadership may raise this issue again, even though the situation in Europe has changed significantly over the years of the war.
In particular, Russia’s demands affect Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, as well as Finland, which joined NATO in 2023. In a broader sense, this also applies to other countries in Central and Southeastern Europe that became members of the Alliance after the end of the Cold War.
Tsymbalyuk drew attention to the outcome of Putin’s own policies. Instead of limiting NATO, Russia has seen its further expansion, particularly through the inclusion of states that had previously maintained military neutrality.
NATO now has 32 member states, compared to 16 in 1997. In other words, under Putin, the number of countries in the North Atlantic Alliance has doubled
The most recent expansion took place after the full-scale Russian invasion, when Finland and Sweden joined the Alliance. This strengthened NATO’s presence in Northern Europe and altered the security situation near Russia’s borders.
Now, the Kremlin has begun discussing the need to involve European states in the negotiations. Putin’s adviser, Yuri Ushakov, previously stated that issues of future security must be discussed not only with the U.S. but also with the Europeans.
This rhetoric differs from Moscow’s previous position, in which it sought to negotiate directly with Washington while leaving European countries out of the main negotiating process.
At the same time, according to The Telegraph, Western diplomats show no willingness to accept Russian ultimatums. The demands regarding NATO concern sovereign states that independently determine their security policies and are full members of the Alliance.
Tsymbalyuk also pointed out another contradiction: the Kremlin is counting on securing major concessions from Europe at the very moment when Russian propagandists are increasingly forced to talk about defending their own capital.
Solovyov Spoke About Defending Moscow
In one of his latest television segments, Vladimir Solovyov described how he spent the night of October 19–20 with Rosgvardia air defense units in the Moscow region. The propagandist showed servicemen repelling drone attacks and described their training.
Previously, the Russian Guard primarily carried out tasks related to maintaining internal order, guarding facilities, and suppressing protests. Now, its units are being portrayed in propaganda programs as an integral part of the Russian capital’s defense.
“Unfortunately, the war is coming very close to Moscow. I worked with the Rosgvardia’s air defense units, and until very recently, such a combination seemed simply unthinkable,”
In the segment, he marveled at the fighters’ training, their weaponry, and their operations during airstrikes. For Tsymbalyuk, however, the most significant development was the very shift in the topics that Russian television is now forced to explain to its audience.
Previously, propagandists discussed offensive operations and the capture of Ukrainian cities. Now, a significant portion of airtime is devoted to reports on drones, the operations of Russian air defense, and threats to regions located far from the front lines.
Four years ago, they were telling all of us that they were about to take Kyiv. And now they’re saying they won’t surrender Moscow
Solovyov also acknowledged that the war is gradually becoming part of everyday life for Russians. According to him, people can no longer react emotionally every time they hear reports of death and destruction unless the tragedy directly affects their families.
At the same time, Russian television programs are reporting explosions in the Belgorod and Bryansk regions, near Moscow, and in other areas. In these reports, the propaganda machine is increasingly forced to address the war’s consequences for Russians themselves.
At the same time, the Kremlin continues to count on political agreements with Donald Trump. Of particular importance to Moscow is the U.S. position on strikes against the Russian oil industry.
Trump and Russian Diesel
The Donald Trump administration has repeatedly expressed dissatisfaction with Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil refineries. The U.S. president linked such attacks to rising fuel prices, while Moscow was interested in maintaining production and its ability to export petroleum products.
According to Tsymbalyuk’s observations, Ukraine has not carried out any new strikes directly on major Russian refineries for about two weeks. However, the situation with diesel prices in the U.S. has not changed as one might expect following the cessation of the attacks.
Doesn’t it strike anyone as odd that we haven’t actually struck Russian refineries for two weeks now, yet diesel prices in the U.S. haven’t fallen – to put it mildly? Even Donald Trump has begun to realize that the issue lies with Iran after all, and not with Ukraine
The cost of petroleum products depends not only on the operation of Russian refineries. Military operations in the Middle East, risks to international oil supplies, and fluctuations in global prices all play a significant role.
Despite this, Russian propaganda continues to portray the diesel agreements as a means of influencing U.S. policy. Moscow is counting on Washington’s economic interests to help curb Ukrainian strikes on its energy infrastructure.
Tsymbalyuk ironically compared the Kremlin’s new rhetoric to previous threats by Russian propaganda to launch a missile strike on the U.S. capital.
“First it was a ‘Sarmat’ strike on Washington, now it’s a diesel strike on Washington,”
At the same time, there are still political and government institutions in the U.S. that can influence the Trump administration’s decisions. American lawmakers are discussing continued support for Ukraine, and military and intelligence cooperation between the two countries continues unabated.
Russian propaganda is attempting to explain this situation by citing internal conflicts in Washington. Some broadcasts claim that the U.S. president opposes certain Ukrainian operations, while U.S. intelligence agencies continue to provide Kyiv with the necessary information.
Russian Propaganda Seeks Conflict in the U.S.
Russian TV hosts are increasingly contrasting Donald Trump’s position with the actions of U.S. intelligence agencies and lawmakers. In particular, a propaganda broadcast mentioned CIA Director John Ratcliffe and Secretary of State Marco Rubio in an attempt to explain why Ukraine continues to receive aid.
Particular outrage is caused by the sharing of intelligence data, which, according to Russian propagandists, could be used to plan Ukrainian strikes on Russian military targets.
At the same time, it is not America but the CIA that is fighting against Russia. “It is the intelligence agency that provides all the information for strikes on those targets that Trump says, ‘Don’t hit,’”
Tsymbalyuk pointed out that with this explanation, Russian propaganda effectively acknowledges the continuation of U.S. aid to Ukraine, even as it attempts to convince its audience that Washington and Moscow are growing closer.
Ratcliffe heads the Central Intelligence Agency and is part of the U.S. government leadership. As Secretary of State, Rubio represents the administration’s foreign policy position. However, Russian media portray their decisions as a manifestation of internal conflict, in which it is allegedly impossible to determine Washington’s true position.
Separately, propagandists accused Volodymyr Zelenskyy of treating the U.S. president with disrespect. At the same time, they continued to discuss congressional pressure on Trump and the possibility of passing laws that would influence his decisions regarding Russia.
Tsymbalyuk speculates that once the political disputes in the U.S. are resolved, military support for Ukraine may increase. Among potential new possibilities, he mentioned the supply of long-range weapons, specifically Tomahawks.
This remains his prediction, but the very prospect of strengthening Ukraine’s capabilities is already causing concern among Russian propagandists. After all, their audience is simultaneously hearing about the Kremlin’s allegedly favorable agreements with Trump and the continuation of U.S. aid to the Ukrainian army.
The Kremlin Is Exploiting Unrest in Europe
The final segment of the Russian propaganda broadcast was devoted to events in European countries. In particular, Solovyov discussed mass unrest, clashes with police, and looting of stores, attempting to link these events to the policies of European governments.
Russian television portrays isolated incidents of violence as a sign of a widespread crisis in Europe. At the same time, propagandists are trying to convince viewers that public discontent is allegedly directly linked to support for Ukraine.
Tsymbalyuk drew attention to attempts to portray store looting and riots as anti-war protests. In his view, such explanations benefit the Kremlin because they create the impression that aid to Ukraine threatens the internal stability of European states.
No matter how many Louis Vuitton stores are looted, this in no way means that the West will cut back on funding for Ukraine. We’re talking about a completely different order of magnitude here
Russian broadcasts also actively discussed migration policy and social conflicts arising in some European countries. These topics were used to criticize European governments and to claim that the West is allegedly incapable of ensuring its own security.
At the same time, Russian propagandists continue to hint that restoring relations with Moscow could help Europe solve its problems. Such statements echo Putin’s demands to review NATO’s military presence and negotiate with Russia on a future security framework.
There’s just a certain fascination with these mass unrest and hints that Putin will surely fix everything. It’s enough for NATO to withdraw to the 1997 line
The journalist paid special attention to information technologies that can be used to spread such messages. These include social media, mass comments, and content generated using artificial intelligence, all of which can amplify emotional reactions to events in Europe.
Russian propagandists effectively acknowledge the importance of the information war in their confrontation with the West. Tsymbalyuk mentioned the role of media outlets linked to Vladimir Solovyov and Margarita Simonyan, which disseminate explanations of events in European countries that serve the Kremlin’s interests.
In such reports, they attempt to turn Europe’s internal problems into an argument against supporting Ukraine and in favor of new agreements with Moscow. At the same time, Russian propaganda is forced to devote more and more time to its own cities, where the threat of drone strikes has already become part of the daily news.
Tsymbalyuk on how the war is returning to Russia: watch the video
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