Putin's Combat Slaves: How Russia Has Revived Slavery for Africans

Ghana, Uganda, Kenya, Botswana, Madagascar, Zimbabwe, Burundi, Egypt, and Cameroon – this is just a list of some of the countries where Russians seek out, solicit, and recruit Africans.

They are promised the world and easy work; their tickets and visas are paid for within a few days; and at the Moscow airport, instead of an employer, they are met by a man who takes them straight to a Russian army recruitment center. The contract is written in Russian, without a translation, but they are assured that they will work only as drivers, cooks, construction workers, or security guards, and that their pay will be several – or even dozens – of times higher.

In reality, they become nothing more than slaves and a new resource for the Russian war machine. The men are sent to fight on the front lines, while the women are forced to assemble drones, which the Russians then use to launch nightly strikes against Ukraine. According to the prisoners, Russian soldiers mock them, beat them, humiliate them, and treat them with the utmost cruelty.

However, even despite these conditions and this treatment, the number of Africans in the ranks of the Russian army is only increasing, and the love for Moscow on the “Dark Continent” shows no signs of fading.

Channel 24 explains why Africans are going to Russia, what recruitment network the Russians have established in Africa, and why African leaders are turning a blind eye to the Kremlin’s actions, which have effectively revived slavery.

How Russians Recruit New Soldiers in Africa

Evans Kibet, a 37-year-old Kenyan track and field athlete, signed a contract with the Russian Armed Forces and… on his very first combat mission in the Kharkiv region, he surrendered to Ukrainian soldiers from the 57th Motorized Infantry Brigade.

Vincent Odhiambo, a shop owner from Nairobi, traveled to Russia to work as a salesman, but instead was made a soldier after about a week of training and sent to fight in Ukraine. After being wounded, he escaped from a military hospital, made his way to the Kenyan Embassy in Moskow, and, with the help of diplomats, left the Russian capital.

Vincent Odhiambo (in the cap, center) along with other Kenyan mercenaries recruited by the Russians / Photo – Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War

There are actually thousands like Vincent Odhiambo and Evans Kibet. According to information from the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War and the “I Want to Live” project, as of October 1, 2026, nearly 46,000 foreigners (!) had already signed contracts with the Russian Armed Forces.

These are citizens of 151 countries and representatives of unrecognized territories. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, nearly 3,000 of them are citizens from 37 African countries.

Not everyone was lucky enough to be taken prisoner or to escape. Kamara Alhaji, a 41-year-old citizen of Sierra Leone, voluntarily signed a contract with the Russian occupation army in the spring of 2026, and by early June had been killed in the the village of Shakhov, in the Donetsk region area.

Pako Namogang, a 25-year-old Botswanan, was the first identified citizen of that country to sign a voluntary contract with the Russian Ministry of Defense in July; just one month later, he was killed by Ukrainian forces in the Luhansk region.

A Russian military ID confirming that Paco Namogang signed a contract with the Russian army / Photo: Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War

At least 486 Africans have died fighting on Moskow’s side. These figures are based only on confirmed cases of combat participation or capture, so the actual number is likely higher. But how did the Russians manage to recruit such a large number of mercenaries?

Most often, recruiters operate online. According to INPACT, ads are circulating on TikTok, Instagram, Discord, Facebook, Telegram, and other social media platforms. Between June and September 2025 alone, the number of Russian posts about military service for foreigners on the Russian social network VK rose from 621 to 4,600.

The Russians are even recruiting through video games. According to Bloomberg, two South Africans were recruited to serve in the Russian army via Arma 3 military simulation.

In a recent investigation, researchers from iLAB (Code for Africa) identified 289 digital resources designed to lure Africans: fake websites, bogus profiles, and fabricated positive reviews. They are hosted on Western servers and operate on a “burn and replace” principle – when a site is blocked, a new one appears the next day, and artificial intelligence is used to facilitate this.

So-called “friends of Russia” also play a role: local journalists promoting job openings, businesspeople from Moskow’s partner projects, politicians, and, according to rumors, even religious organizations. Recruiters can be either Africans or Russians living or working in the region.

Local agencies specializing in tourist and business trips abroad often act as intermediaries.

In Kenya, Labor Minister and former Foreign Minister Alfred Mutuu is suspected of involvement in these recruitment efforts through certain international staffing agencies that he owns.

In South Africa, 17 activists from the “Umkonto we Sizwe” party, led by Former President Jacob Zuma, were recruited by Duduzyle Zuma-Sambudla, the politician’s daughter. She personally met them at a Russian airport, after which the recruits signed a contract with the Russian Armed Forces.

Former South African President Jacob Zuma and his daughter Duduze Zuma-Sambudla, who is suspected of recruiting Africans into the Russian army / Photo – Waldo Swiegers / Bloomberg

Another powerful channel of Russian propaganda in Africa is the “Russian Houses.” This is a network of cultural centers overseen by the “Rossotrudnichestvo” agency and headed until April of this year by Putin’s friend Yevgeny Primakov (also known as Yevgeny Sandro). At these centers, the local population is indoctrinated; patriotic Soviet and Russian films are shown; Russian is taught; and young people are advised on how to obtain a visa and move to Russia to study or work.

“Russian Houses” are already operating in at least 22 African countries, with plans to open more in 8 others. In the capital of the Central African Republic, directly across from the “Russian House,” there is even a monument to Russian war criminals from the Wagner Group, who massacred the local population for gold and diamonds – and nowThey have turned this unfortunate country into a drug lab.

Bronze monuments to Yevgeny Prigozhin, founder of the Wagner Group, and his commander Dmitry Utkin near the “Russian House” in Bangui, CAR / Photo – BBC

Recruiters are usually supervised by staff members of Russian embassies or consulates in a given country. There are 45 Russian diplomatic missions in Africa representing Moskow’s interests on the continent, even in matters such as recruiting Africans to fight in the war against Ukraine.

What’s most interesting is that the Kremlin uses similar metodssss not only in Africa but also in all countries of the so-called “Global South.” And they work: according to the Coordination Headquarters, in just the first 9 months of this year, 16,000 foreigners signed contracts with the Russian army, and by the end of this year, the number of new contract soldiers could reach over 21,000.

For more on how Colombian citizens ended up in Russia’s war against Ukraine, see Channel 24 covered the story in a lengthy feature article this summer. We recommend checking it out.

Currently, citizens of African countries such as Burundi and Zimbabwe top the list of mercenaries. What motivates Africans to go to Russia and sign a contract that spells certain death?

In Search of a Better Life Under the FPV

60% of the world’s poor live in Africa. Residents of this continent make up a significant portion of potential emigrants seeking opportunities to leave, primarily in search of higher wages and financial stability.

In Ghana, the average salary is less than $330 a month; in Nigeria, the minimum wage is around $50, yet recruiters quote figures ranging from several thousand.

For a man supporting a family of five or six (and in Africa, it’s quite common for an older brother to pay for his younger siblings’ education), such an offer looks like a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.

Under the terms of the Russian contract, foreigners are promised a one-time payment ranging from $23,000 to $50,000; however, in practice, some people never see even a fraction of that money.

A major IFRI investigation notes that most of the African captives are not beggars, but city dwellers with stable but poorly paid jobs (nurses, students, electricians, teachers, salespeople, etc.). Some have already tried unsuccessfully to get to Europe or the U.S., but visas are out of reach for them. Visas to Russia, however, can be processed in just a few days.

Recruiters paint a picture of a land of opportunity with high wages, but people in remote areas lack the information to understand what lies behind this image. Some of the captives admitted that they knew nothing about Russia or the war because they worked seven days a week and did not follow the news.

Burkina Faso junta leader Ibrahim Traoré and Russian President Putin on a campaign poster in Ouagadougou calling on the local population to “support change” / Photo – Christina Peters / dpa

But even those Africans who do follow the news mostly believe Russian propaganda. Kremlin mouthpieces such as RT, Sputnik, and African Initiative broadcast in English, French, Portuguese, Arabic, and even Swahili, reaching a vast audience.

In Africa, the myth of Russia as a “great power” and a “fighter against colonialism” persists. In many rural communities, there is simply a lack of information about the true state of the war. Some people sincerely believe that Ukraine is losing, so they have no doubts about their choice to work in Russia or sign a contract with the Russian military.

Russian recruiters, in addition to offering salaries that are astronomically high for Africans, dangle the promise of quickly obtaining Russian citizenship – all it takes is a year of work or non-combat military service, and the passport is yours. For many, this is simply a ticket out of a country with no prospects and into a whole new world. For others, it’s their first trip outside the African continent.

People wave Russian flags during a protest in Kaduna, Nigeria / Photo – AP Photo / Mohammed Ibrahim

The situation is fueled by a shortage of higher education in Africa: due to the cost of tuition, only about 9% of young people attend university, whereas Russia is actively awarding scholarships, promising free education, and preparing to accept half a million foreign students by 2030. Young, healthy people who are exposed to propaganda daily and lured by the promise of salaries and citizenship are, in fact, an ideal resource for the Russian army.

But ignorance does not absolve one of responsibility. It would be a mistake to consider all Africans victims of circumstance, Russian propaganda, or poverty. According to data from the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War, only 28% of all foreign prisoners of war were genuinely unaware that they would be fighting against Ukraine, while the majority of them voluntarily went to the front lines for money or Russian citizenship. But they ended up as nothing more than “cannon fodder” or Putin’s “combat slaves.”

“Cannon fodder” for the Russian war machine

For those who did decide to go to Russia, the process begins immediately upon arrival at the airport. They are met either by the Russian recruiter himself or by a third party sent by him. Very soon after arrival, they are taken to sign a military service contract in Russian without translation.

If they refuse to sign this contract with the army, they are threatened with imprisonment under various pretexts – such as debts arising from the need to reimburse the cost of the ticket or illegal stay due to visa revocation.

After a medical examination, a bank account is opened for them at Promsvyazbank. This bank, nationalized in 2018, is directly linked to the Russian Ministry of Defense and the financing of the Russian military-industrial complex. It is headed by Petro Fradkov, the son of Mikhail Fradkov, a former prime minister who also headed the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service from 2007 to 2016.

The bank is used by the Russian Ministry of Defense to pay salaries and bonuses to military personnel. It also operates in occupied Crimea and in the “republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk, as well as in the Russian-occupied parts of the Kherson and Zaporizhzhia regions, making it the de facto official “occupation bank.”

According to IFRI, Africans recruited in Russia undergo two months of military training, while those recruited in their home countries receive more superficial instruction – no more than three weeks.

Under the guidance of military instructors, recruits are first stationed in camps in Russia and then in camps near the front lines in Donbas. They learn how to use weapons, radio communications, and basic navigation skills. However, according to the testimony of prisoners of war, the Russian instructors do not speak English or any other language, so no one understood their instructions.

Foreign recruits are not grouped together; instead, they are distributed among several camps. Fighters of the same nationality are usually separated. Citizens of African countries find themselves in units alongside people from South America, Asia, and the Middle East. Sometimes their cell phones and identification documents are confiscated. The goal is to prevent contact with the outside world and the formation of cohesive groups based on nationality that could stage a revolt.

They are then sent to the front lines. First, to dig trenches and shelters; then, into the “kill zone” (an area up to 50 kilometers wide where drones and artillery operate daily – Channel 24). They go there in groups of up to five people to sit in makeshift hideouts and report Ukrainian troop movements via radio.

For the Russians, African mercenaries are nothing more than expendable resources, and their most common assignment is “meat grinders.” Those who refuse are threatened, intimidated, or subjected to mock executions by the Russians. For those who agreed to go on an assault, life on the front lines is short. The longest period that the African prisoners of war interviewed by IFRI spent on the front lines was three months; the shortest was ten days. Most witnessed their comrades being killed or maimed, or were wounded themselves. The Russians usually leave the wounded to fend for themselves.

“A Russian doctor told me that they were only interested in the two fingers I use to shoot,” Kenyan photographer Charles Njoki told CNN.

As a result of a Ukrainian drone attack, he sustained injuries: his left arm lost full mobility, and he also developed spinal problems that require surgery. He sold his car so he could get to Russia and sign a contract with the Russian army as a drone operator. But no one taught him how to fly drones, and, according to Charles, he was merely used as bait for Ukrainian drones.

Charles Njoki in a Russian military uniform on the front lines / Photo – CNN / Charles Njoki

Most of those killed or recruited are men between the ages of 25 and 40. But they aren’t the only ones going to Russia to earn money: young women from Cameroon, South Africa, and Madagascar are lured to the "Alabuga" plant in Tatarstan, where they assemble “Geran” family strike drones, which Russia then uses to attack Ukrainian cities and kill civilians.

Even those who served in the military in their own countries have little chance of survival. After all, being a soldier does not mean having combat experience. Those who fought in African wars lack the training necessary for trench warfare involving the most advanced 21st-century technologies. Since their life expectancy is short, African recruits are used as cannon fodder to enable the Russian army to hold a 1,250-kilometer-long front.

Among those who were fortunate enough to be taken prisoner by the Ukrainian military, one common sentiment prevails: “The Russians lie to people. The jobs they talk about and the money they promise to pay – it’s all a lie.”

The Uncertain Future of African Prisoners of War

Most Africans end up in Ukrainian captivity following a similar pattern. Wounded, exhausted, and usually disoriented, they either make their way toward the Ukrainian Armed Forces on their own or are intercepted while attempting to return to Russian positions.

Soldiers from the Third Army Corps take African mercenaries prisoner – watch the video, 18+:

After capture, the prisoners are identified, interrogated, and held in underground shelters while awaiting evacuation from the killzone, in accordance with Article 19 of the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. This can last from a few days to several weeks. The wounded receive first aid and, if necessary, are taken to a hospital.

They are then transferred to a prisoner-of-war camp, where they are visited by the International Committee of the Red Cross and human rights activists, allowed to correspond with their families, and granted access to journalists. In addition, prisoners at the camp even have the opportunity to play sports and work.

Citizens of 59 countries, including 18 African nations that fought on Russia’s side, have been taken prisoner by Ukraine / Photo: Screenshot from a video by the “I Want to Live” project

However, the question of what lies ahead for them remains unanswered. The prisoners’ hopes depend on where they came from. Those who were recruited in Africa consider themselves victims of a trap and hope for leniency regarding their “mistake,” for the war to end, or for their own governments to intervene.

Another group, recruited mainly from migrants already living in Russia, identifies as Russian citizens and takes responsibility for their choice. They hope to be included in the lists for prisoner exchanges between Moskow and Kyiv and expect that, upon their return to Russia, the contract signed with the Ministry of Defense will be honored – specifically regarding the payment of salaries and compensation for injuries.

De facto, the captured Africans are mercenaries. Under both Ukrainian law and the 1977 Geneva Convention, mercenaries are individuals who are specifically recruited and take direct part in an armed conflict for the purpose of personal gain. They are not citizens of the opposing party to the armed conflict, nor are they persons permanently residing in territory controlled by that party.

However, the Geneva Convention stipulates another condition: mercenaries are not part of the armed forces of the warring parties. Therefore, Africans who sign contracts specifically with the Russian Armed Forces are, in fact, considered Russian military personnel rather than “soldiers of fortune.”

This raises a legal dilemma regarding the repatriation of African fighters to their home countries or their exchange for Ukrainian servicemembers. Kyiv has no right to hand these people over to African states, since the law clearly designates Russia as the only party authorized to release prisoners of war. However, Moskow shows no desire to take them back.

African nations do not want to fall out with Moskow

On October 28–29, 2026, the third “Russia–Africa” summit took place in Moskow. According to the Kremlin, 22 African leaders attended, along with delegations from a total of 48 countries. In his opening remarks, Vladimir Putin called Russia the continent’s best partner, while describing the West as “colonial” and still seeking to exploit African resources and hinder development through debt.

“Russia–Africa” Summit. Moskow, October 28, 2026 / Photo: Kremlin

The irony is that Moskow itself exploits citizens of African nations, luring them under false pretenses to the front lines to die for the colonizers’ delusional dreams. But no one at the summit reminded Putin of this outright. African representatives sidestepped this topic in their speeches, and the 236-point final declaration does not contain a single word about recruitment – despite all the glaring evidence.

Only the leaders of Ghana and Kenya said after the summit that, behind the scenes, they had persuaded Putin not to recruit their citizens into the Russian army. Ghana’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Samuel Okudzetu Ablakwa, publicly announced that Putin had promised to completely stop recruiting Ghanaian citizens for the war. The Russian dictator made the same promise to Kenyan President William Ruto, who had previously sent an official request to Moskow demanding assistance in repatriating Kenyans who had been deceived or coerced into joining the Russian army.

In the African diplomatic landscape, Kenya, Ghana, and the Republic of South Africa are rather the exceptions. These are countries that are genuinely making efforts to bring their citizens home and are trying to counter Russian recruitment. The rest of the countries prefer to remain silent or discuss the matter with the Russians behind the scenes.

Leaders of these countries have contacted Kyiv several times and spoken by phone with President Zelenskyy or Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiga. But only Ghana’s foreign minister has visited Ukraine, met with the prisoners of war, and expressed gratitude to Ukraine for its humane treatment of his fellow citizens.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Ghanaian Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzetu Ablakwa / Photo – Office of the President of Ukraine

In many African countries, mercenary activity is prohibited and punishable by law, so some have already taken specific steps to counter Russian recruiters.

In Togo and Kenya, airports are no longer allowing citizens with Russian visas to depart; in Botswana and Zimbabwe, prospective travelers are being detained; and Cameroon has banned military personnel from leaving the country without permission and issued orders against desertion. In addition, local governments are facing pressure from the relatives of the deceased Africans.

A billboard for the “I Want to Live” project in Ghana / photo – “I Want to Live”

Moskow, for its part, having faced accusations of illegal recruitment – which it cannot refute given the abundance of evidence and irrefutable testimonies online – responds that these are cases of unofficial recruitment carried out without its knowledge, and declares its readiness to “work together to stop illegal recruitment.”

After a few symbolic dismissals, the Russians have not suspended the military contracts of Africans, despite demands from their governments. Furthermore, there are no guarantees that the Russians will stop recruiting in Africa.

No one wants to fall out with Putin over a few recruited citizens, because many African leaders see him as a fighter against Western “colonialism,” a true ally and friend.

The Ukrainian government clearly aims to stop the recruitment of mercenaries. To this end, Kyiv is counting on both public outreach and cooperation with the leaders of African nations. In particular, Ukraine has expanded its diplomatic network in sub-Saharan Africa is ready to share intelligence to help local governments block such activities. Therefore, the key is for African states to genuinely want to stop this and to realize that Russia is not a friendly nation, but a predatory colonizer and, in effect, a slave trader.