The Singer of Surrender: Who Is Oleksiy Goncharenko?

In early October 2026, Oleksiy Goncharenko, a member of parliament and member of the “European Solidarity” faction, posted a series of controversial statements on his social media accounts regarding the need for negotiations to end the war on Russia’s terms and for Ukraine to make concessions to Russia. These statements coincided with massive Russian attacks on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities.

Behind the flowery rhetoric about peace, many people saw the beginning of a normalization of talk about Ukraine’s capitulation, and after the political party to which Goncharenko belongs effectively tolerated this, they saw it as blatant betrayal. Goncharenko’s words stirred up public outrage and forced President Zelenskyy to respond.

Channel 24 reminds us that Goncharenko and his “peace plan” did not appear out of nowhere; for two decades now, Oleksiy has alternately played the roles of trickster, troll, and sometimes even a “Trojan horse.” Read our article to find out how he manages to do this and where he actually came from.

Early Life, Family, Education

Oleksiy Goncharenko was born on September 16, 1980, in Odesa. Goncharenko is his mother’s surname; she is a schoolteacher. His father is Oleksiy Kostusev. At the time, he was a junior research fellow at the local Institute of Naval Engineers (now the Odessa National Maritime University).

When little Oleksiy Oleksiyovych was three years old, his parents divorced, and, according to family lore, Kostusev played no part in his son’s upbringing. Evidence of this is that the boy took his mother’s last name.

This is a very important fact in Oleksiy Goncharenko’s biography, since after the collapse of the USSR and the declaration of Ukraine’s independence, Kostusev would become a very important figure in Odesa. First, in the early 1990s, he would be in charge of privatization at city hall, from there he would jump into the Verkhovna Rada as a socialist (that is, a former Ukrainian communist), and then, through his party’s quota, become the head of the very important and influential Antimonopoly Committee (AMCU).

Later, Kostusev would betray his party and switch allegiance to the “Regionals” – a label then in vogue among corrupt officials – he will once again be appointed head of the AMCU and from there return to Odesa – this time as the city’s full-fledged mayor and the nominal leader of the “Regions” party in southern Ukraine. Kostusev would serve as mayor until 2013, when, under pressure from the Revolution of Dignity, he would step down from his post but not relinquish his influence over Odesa. This is evidenced by numerous scandals and anti-corruption investigations.

The most notorious case involves the large-scale embezzlement of state property worth billions of hryvnias and the illegal takeover of the “Odesa” International Airport. For this, Oleksiy Goncharenko’s father was sentenced in 2025 to eight years in prison and confiscation of property, but he received a suspended sentence due to his cooperation with the investigation (apparently, that’s possible).

This brief look into Goncharenko’s father’s life is necessary to provide context for the world in which Oleksiy Jr. grew up. Because he consistently insists that his father never helped him in any way, yet it is impossible to explain otherwise how a graduate of the Odessa Medical Institute and a certified medical assistant – who actually worked on an ambulance for several years – suddenly became a very successful and wealthy young man – that is, in the terminology of the early 2000s, a “major”.

Yet that is exactly what happened. But Oleksiy Goncharenko was not quite a typical “major,” because in addition to partying and living the high life, he also took his studies seriously. In 2002, while his father was leading the marginal and openly pro-Russian “Soyuz” party, Goncharenko went to study in Moscow at the Academy of National Economy under the Russian Federation government.

At the time, this wasn’t considered “embarrassing,” since, for some reason, Russia wasn’t openly regarded as an enemy. However, critics of Oleksiy Goncharenko now actively bring up this fact, hinting at the possibility that the young man might have been recruited by Russian intelligence services at that time. That said, there is currently no direct evidence of this. Moreover, after Moscow, Goncharenko went on to study in the United Kingdom. So conspiracy theorists will have a counterargument in this situation.

A "Vata" Idol on Shuster’s Show

Armed with his newfound knowledge and experience, Oleksiy Goncharenko returned to Odesa and became the head of the local branch of his father’s party, “Soyuz.” This political force aimed to annex southern Ukraine to Russia – something Putin would not dare to say until 2022. Oleksiy Goncharenko and his father, however, were already advocating for this as early as 2005–2006.

In 2006, Goncharenko was elected to his first legislative position – on the Odesa Regional Council. He won thanks to administrative resources and rhetoric about the alleged oppression of the Russian language in Ukraine (we’re talking about Odesa here, for a moment) and the protection of the Russian-speaking population.

This stance allowed Goncharenko to step out of his father’s shadow and pursue his own projects. While his father had administrative resources and money, his son had creative ideas and a rich vocabulary. The young politician also had a keen sense of trends and quickly grasped the power of PR and the internet, as well as their combined potential. In 2008, the website “Dumska” went live, and it would soon become the region’s leading online media outlet. And although Goncharenko was never the official owner of the site, everyone in Odesa has long known whose interests the site serves.

Oleksiy Goncharenko on “our values” and the 2009 rally in support of Yanukovych – watch the video:

After several years in Odesa, the “Party of Regions” took notice of the young pro-Russian deputy and invited Goncharenko to Ukraine’s capital. It seems that political strategists realized that Yanukovych – with his Shrek-like appearance and lack of eloquence – and politicians like him were a dead end, so they decided to bet on people with charisma and signs of intelligence. So Goncharenko and others like him (among whom, incidentally, was Kyiv resident Kirill Dmitriev) were launched onto what was then Ukraine’s main political stage – Savik Shuster’s talk show. It was this show that turned Goncharenko into a star of the pro-regionalist – or, as they say now, “vatny” – camp.

From the very beginning on Shuster’s show, Goncharenko wasn’t afraid to look like a clown and spout outright nonsense; he often forgot his lines and was repeatedly outmaneuvered by his opponents, but later he frequently came out on top himself, and the “comfort zone” provided to him by the media even turned his failures into successes. After all, his backers saw that “the guy is trying,” which meant he cared and “would amount to something.” That’s why they brought him into the “Party of Regions.”

A typical appearance by Goncharenko on Shuster’s show – watch the video:

In 2012, Goncharenko, a member of the Party of Regions, ran for the Verkhovna Rada in his native Odesa, but despite all the pro-Russian rhetoric and administrative resources, he lost. The winner at the time was an even greater Russophile, Igor Markov of the “Rodina” party (who is currently in hiding in Russia). The defeat was a painful experience for Goncharenko, but it ultimately worked in the politician’s favor. At the same time, he continued to be a star on Shuster’s show and to promote Russophilia.

The Shift to the Pro-Ukrainian Camp

Imagine the shock of the “Regionals” when their star suddenly and dramatically “changed sides” in 2013 and sided with the Revolution of Dignity. Thus began the “pro-Ukrainian” phase of Goncharenko’s political career. To start with, he traveled to Crimea, where the hybrid annexation of the peninsula was just beginning. He tried to talk to representatives of the “anti-Maidan” movement, but was met with a punch to the face, and that was the end of that.

Goncharenko was more successful in his native Odesa. He took part in the events of May 2, 2014, when pro-Russian forces, backed by the local police, attacked Ukrainian protesters and provoked a large-scale brawl that ended in a fire at the Trade Union House and numerous casualties. Goncharenko documented these events and became known for his livestream for Shuster LIVE from the scene of the fire and his video of the dead bodies.

This was followed by Goncharenko’s visit to Moscow. He allegedly traveled there for a march in memory of Boris Nemtsov and was wearing a T-shirt commemorating the event. He was detained with several tens of thousands in his possession and interrogated about the events in Odesa (for reasons unknown). Thanks to the intervention of Ukrainian diplomats, Goncharenko was rescued from Russian custody and returned to Ukraine.

By that time, he was already a member of parliament. A former member of the Party of Regions, who claimed to have sincerely “changed sides,” was recruited by the party of then-President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko. The party needed votes in southern Ukraine, and Goncharenko and his media resources (primarily “Dumskaya”) could secure them.

A Spoiler Against Zelenskyy in Poroshenko’s Camp

As a member of parliament, Oleksiy Goncharenko was remembered not only for his excellent command of Ukrainian (he had temporarily forgotten about defending the Russian language) and his participation in an SBU special operation in 2017 involving the staging of his own kidnapping, but above all for his outrageous antics – though until a certain point, no one paid much attention to this, and no one considered that with his often boorish antics, the MP wasn’t actually trolling his opponents but rather discrediting the Ukrainian government.

At the same time, Poroshenko’s campaign headquarters apparently held this clowning in high regard, which is why, after the 2019 elections, they once again brought Goncharenko – who had been elected to the Rada as a single-district candidate – into their fold. In the 9th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada, Goncharenko was given the role of a thorn in the side of the new president – Volodymyr Zelenskyy. And Goncharenko handled this task brilliantly; if there’s one thing he’s mastered, it’s trolling.

Goncharenko spectacularly attacks Zelenskyy over the failure of the Goncharuk government – watch the video:

Zelenskyy tries to calm Goncharenko down, forgetting the age-old internet rule “don’t feed the troll” – watch the video:

Goncharenko plays his own game

But over time, the question arose: Does Poroshenko really control Goncharenko, or is Goncharenko playing his own game under the cover of a party calling itself “European Solidarity”?

These questions intensified after the full-scale invasion, as Goncharenko began actively opening centers named after him throughout the country, which were billed as humanitarian and volunteer hubs. But everyone in Ukraine knows full well that when a politician names something after himself, it’s not about goodwill or a desire to help, but about public relations and preparing for elections.

Goncharenko’s shift in rhetoric also attests to this. Whereas previously he mostly criticized the new version of the “criminal regime” – that is, Zelenskyy, Yermak, the “Servants of the People,” ministers, and the government – which fit perfectly into the context of an opposition politician and representative of Petro Poroshenko’s political force – over the past year, the MP’s main target has become the Ukrainian resistance itself.

He began actively spreading Russian disinformation and narratives about the futility of the struggle against the vast Russian Empire, and the topic of mobilization in Ukraine became his “pet subject.” Goncharenko distorted and actively highlighted problematic facts, attempting to pass off isolated violations as systemic issues. The goal was to create an “alternative reality” in which resistance to Russia is not only unnecessary but, on the contrary, superfluous. By an interesting coincidence (or not), this is exactly what Russia itself is proposing to Ukrainians in an attempt to explain why it launched a genocidal war.

An Analysis of “Goncharenko’s Peace Plan” and Its Parallels with Russian Propaganda / Infographic by Oksana Moroz

In fact, Goncharenko adopted Zelenskyy’s rhetoric – “we just need to stop shooting” – which, among other things, helped make him president. However, Zelenskyy himself later realized he was wrong and that it is impossible to reach an agreement with Russia unless you agree to surrender, while Goncharenko, as of 2026, is trying to sell precisely this idea to a war-weary society, clearly understanding all the consequences.

The worst part is that Oleksiy Goncharenko’s statements are gaining support. Not only among weary citizens or visitors to the “Goncharenko Centers,” but also among politicians. On October 2, 2026, Goncharenko posted a series of messages on his Telegram channel about the need for Ukraine’s de facto surrender, and his own political party – “European Solidarity” – failed to adequately explain why this was a bad idea, effectively backing Goncharenko.

Some intellectuals within the party, such as historian and publicist Volodymyr Viatrovych, tried to engage Goncharenko in a discussion, but they were all powerless against the flood of cynical populism from their fellow party member. He did not shy away from his trademark trolling and attributed “pro-Russian connotations” to Poroshenko’s main slogan, “Army. Faith. Language.”

The “leading Goncharenko expert” and renowned investigative journalist Danylo Mokryk suffered the exact same – but even more crushing – intellectual fiasco in his attempt to put Goncharenko in his place (that is, to expose his true nature). Goncharenko literally crushed his opponent and forced him to admit it himself later on.

Oleksiy Goncharenko as a guest on Danylo Mokryk’s show – watch the video:

That broadcast caused a “Spanish embarrassment” and prompted nostalgic memories of a time when journalists could elegantly reveal an opponent’s true nature during a short interview, as Roman Skrypin and Natalka Yakymovych once did, forcing Goncharenko himself to make up a story about his father-in-law – a driver at “Gazprom” – who lent his son-in-law $700,000, which he used to achieve success.

Goncharenko makes a ridiculous attempt to explain the source of his wealth – watch the video:

Nowadays, Goncharenko has become a master at brushing off such questions and continues to stick to his line, ramping up his populism to the max. And that means he’ll be a problem for pro-Ukrainian politicians in the next election.