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9 October, 14:00
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"Putin is doing everything to destroy Russia": Caesar on Operation "Barrel," mobilization, and the threat to the Baltics

Maximilian Andronnikov, deputy commander of the “Freedom of Russia” Legion, gave an exclusive interview to Channel 24. He spoke about large-scale sabotage on the Russian railway, a covert mobilization, and the inevitable collapse of Putin’s regime.

The Freedom of Russia Legion has announced a large-scale Operation Barrel against Russian railway logistics. At the same time, Russia continues to attack Ukrainian cities, increases covert recruitment into the army, and threatens the Baltic states.

Deputy Commander of the "Freedom of Russia" Legion, Maximilian Andronnikov, known by the call sign Caesar, spoke in an exclusive interview with Channel 24 about the activities of the resistance inside Russia, the situation on the front, and possible decisions of the Kremlin. He also explained how he sees the future of Russia after the fall of the Putin regime, why he does not expect general mobilization and how ready Europe is for a possible new Russian aggression.

The Russian Freedom Legion conducted a large-scale operation "Barrel" against rail transportation of oil in the deep rear of Russia. After strikes on oil refineries and port infrastructure, Russia began to transport oil more actively by rail. According to the announced data, about 10 thousand tons of oil were destroyed. What can you tell us about this operation?

The "Freedom of Russia" resistance is, in my opinion, the most powerful underground network inside Russia. And the most important thing is that it is horizontal. This is very important because the vertical structure can be calculated quite quickly, cut off ties and destroyed. And the horizontal network unites hundreds and thousands of our comrades who remain in Russia and have decided to fight against the regime.

Not all of these people had the opportunity to leave Russia, not all of them have it now. But they do not want to put up with what is happening in their country and are ready to resist.

Operation "Barrel" was not the first major action of our resistance. Hundreds of different operations took place during the war, but I would single out the last three as an example of the systematic, coordinated work of many cells.

The first was Operation Quartet. At that time, rolling stock, wagons, locomotives, and other means of railway transport were destroyed in various regions of Russia. It is important to understand that the loss of even one locomotive is not only a direct loss. One such locomotive can cost a million or two million dollars. And if it burned down on the tracks, it also delays traffic, disrupts logistics, and causes additional costs for restoration.

The next was Operation Torch, which we conducted in late winter and early spring. It was directed against gas infrastructure in the Moscow region, the Central Federal District, and a number of other regions of Russia. As a result of these strikes, according to our data, the work of some facilities had to be stopped for several weeks. This is both direct financial losses and significant repair costs.

Having experience in such coordinated actions, we conducted Operation Barrel. Hundreds of people were involved in it. It was a great job by many participants, and now I can say that, according to our information, none of them were detained or injured.

It is also important in what conditions the resistance works. In Russia, the so-called counter-terrorism measures are constantly being strengthened, especially after major operations by Ukrainian special services. However, a huge part of the FSB's work, as I see it, is not related to the real search for the underground, but to demonstrative exposures, falsifications and the creation of fake information resources.

It is much easier for the special services to demonstrate the detention of a person who has been caught on a fake resource than to conduct complex and lengthy operational work. Such activities require people, time and resources, and they are not unlimited. A significant part of the employees of the Russian law enforcement agencies, in my opinion, are generally more busy with making money, controlling business and various criminal conflicts.

In the case of "Barrel", a huge amount of work was carried out. The Russian regime began to use the railway more actively for the transportation of oil and petroleum products. In various places, entire groups of tanks were left on the tracks, sometimes 10-20 units. A standard railway tank holds approximately 65 tons of fuel, and the equipment itself also costs a lot of money.

According to the results of the operation, our resistance network accomplished all the tasks set. Strikes occurred in many regions of Russia. I can name Vologda, Bryansk, Orel, Belgorod, Kursk, and also, if I am not mistaken, the regions of Voronezh.

Such losses are especially noticeable near the border and frontline zones. Bryansk, Orel, Belgorod - this is a direct impact on Russian military logistics. When a significant number of fuel tanks burn on the railway, not only the cargo suffers, but also the infrastructure itself, the restoration of which takes time.

For comparison, we can recall how long it took Russia to restore the Crimean bridge after the explosion and fire of oil products. Therefore, there are both direct losses and much broader consequences for transportation.

The main thing is that the operation showed the possibilities of systematic resistance work. We intend to continue the fight against this regime until its fall.

You mentioned the FSB's activities in the information space. How can legion supporters distinguish between genuine information resources and those that could be used by Russian special services?

It is very important to use only verified official resources. If a person sees my interview on my channel or on the official legion channel, they can follow the links that are posted directly there.

I have already said that Russian special services are actively using fake websites, Telegram channels, and other resources. They can pose as representatives of our movement to obtain people's data or demonstrate another alleged exposure.

In my opinion, Russian search engines can also be a tool of the secret services. A person searches for information about the legion, ends up on a fake website, and doesn't even suspect that he is passing on the data to those who can detain him.

Important! Official Legion channel: https://t.me/legionoffreedom

Therefore, it is important to understand that the mere presence of a page with the name of the legion does not prove anything. We warn about such fakes because in Russia they can pose a real danger to people.

Ukraine is currently going through a difficult period of war. Kyiv is experiencing large-scale drone attacks, energy, business and civilian facilities are suffering, there are casualties. How would you characterize the stage of the war we are in?

This is the so-called urban war. And it was the enemy who initiated the transition to this format. Pay attention to how the Ukrainian Defense Forces operate: they try to minimize losses among the civilian population. And the Russian army, in my opinion, purposefully uses terror against civilians.

We see attacks on schools, markets, civilian infrastructure. Remember what is happening in Oleshki. These are terrible things.

When the regime does not have enough forces and means to knock a Ukrainian soldier out of his position, it tries to influence his family. Relatively speaking, they think: now we will start terrorizing his wife, children, parents, all Ukrainians in the rear, and people will take to the streets, demanding peace or a change of government.

But I constantly communicate with civilians and see a completely different reaction. I see bitterness, determination, anger. People are, of course, afraid. They are tired of the shelling, of the constant danger. However, they understand: if they surrender now, retreat, then it will be even worse.

I just recently spoke to a woman who said she was ready to stay in the subway during the shelling as long as necessary, but she was not going to give in to Russia. And this attitude is very strong among the Ukrainians I talk to.

People also see that it is not easy for the enemy at the front. Somewhere the Russians are still trying to advance, and somewhere they are forced to retreat. In the Liman direction, in my opinion, the results of their many months of offensive have already been leveled.

Therefore, I attribute the current wave of drone, missile, and ballistic attacks to the fact that Russia cannot achieve the desired result on the battlefield. Instead, it is trying to pressure the civilian population.

The American Institute for the Study of War, having analyzed Putin's statements, suggested that he would not agree to a ceasefire and would try to terrorize Ukraine throughout the winter, counting on its surrender in the spring. Do you agree that the Kremlin could make such a bet?

When I am asked about predictions, I try to proceed from military logic. But the problem is that rationality is not about the current Russian leadership. Military honor is not about it either.

For me, the honor of a soldier is to do my duty, even at the risk of my life. And the honor of a general is also to have the courage to come to the president and say: this operation is criminal, it will lead to senseless deaths, and I will not lead my soldiers into it. If you think I am incompetent, here are my shoulder straps.

I don't see such people in the current Russian military leadership. Of course, there are decent and intelligent military personnel among the Russians. There are officers who understand everything, and some have been cooperating with us for a long time. But these are not the people who make decisions in the Kremlin.

Therefore, rational military forecasts do not always come true. Putin can choose decisions that cause enormous damage even to Russia itself.

I already have a strong feeling that Putin is a real agent of the destruction and collapse of Russia. He is doing everything to destroy it.

I said back in the spring that he had one last chance to get out of the war on very favorable terms for him. Ukraine was then ready to consider a ceasefire along the current front line. It would seem, grab this opportunity with both hands.

But he wants more. It's like in Pushkin's fairy tale about the fisherman and the fish, when the heroine is finally left by a broken trough. Only with Putin, in my opinion, everything will end not just with a broken trough, but with burned-out oil refineries, destroyed infrastructure, a collapsed economy and, perhaps, the bayonets of those people he is currently recruiting into the army, turned against him.

I remain optimistic. My family, like the families of other Ukrainians, is suffering from shelling. I understand that the winter will be difficult, but I am convinced that we will survive. We need to hold out one day longer than the enemy.

Before the State Duma elections, you said that Putin was unlikely to announce a general mobilization, but could increase the hidden one. Do you see any signs of this after the elections?

Yes, I see. The deployment of infrastructure for covert mobilization is currently continuing. There is an active involvement of specialists, in particular those involved in information analysis, profiling, and data processing.

Russia is creating a large digital system that will allow the state to know a lot about a person. Who has what debts, who does not pay alimony, who has an administrative offense, an outstanding penalty, or another problem with the law.

All of this can be used as a tool of pressure. There are hundreds of thousands, or perhaps millions, of such people in Russia.

A person can be detained, intimidated, held without normal conditions, forced to sign documents. And if they can't withstand this pressure, they will end up in the army.

And they won't necessarily be told right away that they'll go to the front. They can promise them service somewhere near home, in an area where they supposedly only need to guard facilities or shoot down Ukrainian drones with a machine gun.

They are very good at lying there. That's why I said that Putin may not carry out a large-scale open mobilization, but instead will intensify hidden coercion.

Are there any people left in Russia who are willing to join the army voluntarily? What could be an incentive for them now: money, early release from prison, or something else?

This resource is already running out. Everyone who could be lured in with promises, large payments, or other benefits has been gradually recruited. And so what I call cryptomobilization, that is, hidden recruitment of people, is intensifying.

According to our estimates, the enemy has had negative statistics on personnel replenishment for several months now. We are also seeing the results at the front, where the Russian advance is increasingly halted.

When the leaves fall and the greenery disappears, the situation will become more difficult for both sides. It will also be more difficult for our military to defend themselves, move between positions, and provide logistics. There are people who stay in positions for months.

But it will be even more difficult for the enemy to attack, in my opinion. And this problem with people will only intensify.

In your opinion, is general mobilization possible in Russia?

No.

Why?

I would even really like Putin to make such a mistake, because it would, in my opinion, hasten the end of the regime. Just like a possible attack on one of the Baltic countries.

You can draw a historical parallel with Hitler. He tried to break Britain with air strikes, but did not achieve the desired result, suffered heavy losses of aviation, and then started a war against the Soviet Union. And this ultimately ended in his defeat.

If Putin decides to open another front against the Baltics, even some initial military successes will not negate the enormous losses and costs. This includes the expansion of the theater of operations, the involvement of new forces, and the likely increase in NATO military efforts and assistance to Ukraine.

Therefore, I believe that such an adventure will not strengthen his regime, but will accelerate its fall.

The Legion's press service reported that on September 20, the last day of voting in Russia, the number of applications to join was the highest in the past year. Moreover, most of the applications came from Russians living in Europe. How do you explain such activity?

It is more difficult to falsify voting results abroad. The conditions are different there, there is not such an extensive control system as inside Russia. Russians who live abroad, communicate with each other, meet at polling stations, can roughly understand who people actually voted for.

And then they see that one voted for one party, another for another, and then the official results appear, where United Russia supposedly received 60%. Of course, this raises questions.

In some places abroad, the results of "United Russia" were, according to our data, very low. And inside Russia itself, people saw other methods of controlling the vote.

In Moscow, for example, some polling stations did not allow people to vote normally using paper ballots. Although what could be simpler: a person came, they were entered in the register, a ballot was issued, and they voted. But conditions were created so that people had as few opportunities as possible to do it in the usual way.

I told my compatriots before the elections that participating in them would not change anything. The authorities would achieve the desired turnout and the desired result.

In my opinion, the only way to show the illegitimacy of such a vote is empty polling stations. If there is no one at the polling stations, but they officially announce a huge turnout and almost unanimous support for the government, it is much easier to see the fraud.

But even these elections had a certain effect. Many Russians saw with their own eyes the cynicism of the system, its arrogance, and the way it treats its citizens.

People understand that the economic situation is deteriorating, the war is continuing, restrictions are increasing, and official support for the government on paper is only growing. And they begin to ask themselves: what will happen tomorrow?

This is especially true for people who have children. A father or mother thinks about what country their child will live in in ten or twenty years. Will Russia eventually turn into something like North Korea?

When a person comes to the conclusion that things are not going to get better under current trends, they may decide to no longer remain on the sidelines. Some of these Russians turn to the Legion and join the resistance.

We have discussed this before: thousands of ants can bite even the most vicious snake. I am convinced that the same will happen with the Putin regime.

You've completed a series of short lectures on how the Kremlin regime works. What one lecture would you recommend to our viewers, especially after everything we've discussed about the Russian elections?

I would recommend a lecture on the system of building power. In it, I explain why the current Putin system, in my opinion, cannot simply change and turn into a normal democratic state.

I compare it to cancer cells. They cannot become healthy on their own accord. Likewise, this system is incapable of normal transformation. It will have to be completely dismantled.

After that, democracy needs to be built from below. Not starting with big party leaders who no one knows, but from the lowest level – the house, the driveway, the street, the small community.

People should choose those they know personally. Those who live nearby, who they can ask questions to, remind them of promises, and demand answers from.

It is the zemstvo self-government, in my opinion, that should become the foundation of the future Russia. The entire other system of government should be built on it.

Another important principle is the self-determination of regions. If a region wants to leave Russia, let it leave. If it wants to stay, let it stay.

But there is one important condition: Ukraine will have to repay its debts.

Now in some Russian regions it is very convenient to say that the Muscovites started the war, that the central government is solely to blame, and they supposedly had nothing to do with it. But who participated in the crimes in Bucha? Where did the Russian military who fought in Ukraine come from?

We cannot simply say: we are seceding and leaving all the consequences to Moscow. I am convinced that responsibility for the war and its consequences must be taken into account when building the future state.

I am also categorically against re-creating the usual party system in Russia immediately after the fall of the regime. Modern Russian parties are, in my opinion, a system of fraudsters, in which everyone pursues their own interests.

A party may have a beautiful program, deputies, and structure, but when it comes to asking a specific person for unfulfilled promises, responsibility is blurred. One refers to a party decision, another to a program, and a third to the list that brought them to power.

Local government works differently. If a person promised something to their neighbors and then didn't do it, they know who to turn to.

In addition, large parties can lobby for the interests of oligarchs, industrial groups and even foreign states. We see how in European politics there are forces that support the Kremlin's course. I would cite as examples the political forces associated with Orbán, the German AfD and Marine Le Pen in France.

That is why we must first create a strong system of self-government from the bottom up. Only then can we think about party building, otherwise everything risks repeating itself.

Russia has imposed strict restrictions near the border with Estonia, including a curfew and FSB travel bans. Could this be a sign of preparations for a Russian invasion?

We must understand that we are dealing with the Russian leadership, from which we can expect very dangerous and irrational decisions. Therefore, invasion cannot be completely ruled out.

What you described sounds like standard restrictive measures that might be introduced before the formation of a military group or the expansion of military logistics. But this does not mean that the decision to attack has already been made.

Russia can always cancel these measures. Therefore, I would not call the current situation a point of no return.

The point of no return will come when the troops receive the order and begin moving. Before that, the Baltic countries can be threatened, blackmailed, and intimidated using various tools of hybrid warfare.

Russia has been waging such a war against the Baltics and other European countries for several months now. These are threats, information campaigns, sabotage, arson, and other provocations that I attribute to Russian actions.

The Kremlin can stop them at any time. But as long as they believe they are not meeting sufficient resistance, these activities will continue.

How prepared do you think Europe is for a possible Russian attack?

I will say it bluntly: Ukraine saved Europe.

Imagine if in 2022 Russia really managed to take Kyiv in three days. What would Poland, Hungary, Romania, and the Baltic states do then? How prepared were they for such a development?

I don't think Europe realized the scale of the threat at the time. Ukraine, at a terrible price, with the blood of its citizens and military, bought time for European states. Time to prepare, and most importantly, to understand what kind of enemy they might face.

Poles are good soldiers, and the military personnel of the Baltic countries are also very worthy. But they do not have the experience of modern warfare that the Ukrainians have gained over the years.

We are fighting a new generation war, where drones, electronic warfare, and the speed of obtaining and using information play a huge role.

And here is the danger. Russian generals and officers, no matter how I feel about them, already have experience in modern drone warfare. And the armies of the Baltic states or Poland do not have the same practical experience and saturation with appropriate means.

Therefore, Russia could theoretically try to open a new theater of military operations, where at first it would be possible to use traditional artillery, armored vehicles, and aviation more widely.

But Russian politicians and generals who send hundreds of thousands of people to their deaths do not know what it is like to sit in a trench. For them, people often remain figures on a map.

I recall Bismarck's opinion that a man who has seen the eyes of a dying soldier will think many times before starting a war. Personal experience of combat is very important for understanding the price of every military decision.

The Kremlin may be tempted to attack the Baltic states. But I am convinced that if Putin dares to do so, the fall of his regime will only accelerate.

Putin has stated that the rights of Russian speakers in the Baltic states are being violated. We have already heard similar statements before the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. You are a Russian speaker yourself and have been living in Ukraine for several years. Have you faced discrimination because of your language?

I have been in Ukraine for over four years. And in all this time I have never encountered discrimination because of my Russian language.

And I don't always wear military uniform. I often look like an ordinary civilian, and no one knows who I am.

I understand that in Ukraine there are laws, certain language rules. But when you communicate normally with people and they see that it is easier for you to express yourself in Russian, they treat it with understanding.

I don't speak Russian out of disrespect for the Ukrainian language. It's just that my level of Ukrainian is not yet sufficient to accurately express everything I want to say.

With my comrades-in-arms, I sometimes switch to Ukrainian, but it can be broken, with mistakes, a slur. They understand me. And when I need to convey a certain idea precisely, they can ask me to switch to Russian so as not to lose the meaning.

It is important to me that every nuance of my thought is correctly understood. And it is also important that my compatriots in Russia hear me. This is also one of the reasons why I give interviews in Russian.

But neither in everyday life nor in other situations did I feel any oppression. I don't even remember being criticized for speaking Russian. And I haven't heard such stories from my friends and fellow citizens.

Therefore, I consider Russian propaganda's claims about the alleged persecution of Russian-speakers in Ukraine to be a fabrication.

They will now try to shake up the Baltic countries using the same template. Russia will say that someone is being oppressed there, that people who speak Russian need to be protected.

We have seen this scenario before. Moreover, it resembles the methods used by Nazi Germany in the late 1930s.

Remember the Anschluss of Austria, when they used the thesis of supposedly one people. Remember the provocation in Gleiwitz before the attack on Poland. These are simple and very old techniques: create a pretext, explain the aggression by defending your people, and then use force.

Russian propaganda often doesn't even try to invent anything new. It uses familiar historical templates, particularly those associated with Hitler and Goebbels.

Why do these methods still work? Russia used these excuses back in 2014, and they are once again influencing a part of society.

Here I will partially agree with Dostoevsky, who knew Russian society and its internal contradictions very well.

I'll use a metaphor. A Russian peasant can work in the fields for fifteen hours a day, walk behind the plow, exhaust himself physically, and the next day get up again and do the same thing. But he is often too lazy to sit down for five minutes and think for himself.

He sees some ready-made idea that seems beautiful to him, and immediately tries to use it, without thinking about whether it suits his country, society, or living conditions.

I compare it to a French camisole that was made for one person and then another person just pulled it on. It's bursting at the seams, but the person still thinks they're wearing something beautiful.

The same thing, in my opinion, happens with borrowed political ideas, which in Russia have often been transformed into something completely different. Instead of thinking about how to build a normal society, people grab onto another ready-made answer.

And I see this even in my own audience. I have a channel, people subscribe, watch videos, are interested in the activities of the legion. It would seem that they should be interested in what the future of Russia could be.

But my lecture series was only watched by about 10% of my subscribers. In contrast, a short two-minute historical video can get tens of thousands of views.

That is, a person will find time for a short video, but not for material that requires thinking about the state, power, responsibility, and the future.

Until Russians start thinking seriously about their own lives and the lives of their children, the situation will not change. We need to think not only about how to take out a microloan today, not pay it back tomorrow, and then end up in the army because of debts.

When people begin to soberly assess what is happening to their country, their own actions, and the responsibility of previous generations, Putin, in my opinion, will find it much more difficult to hold on to power.

We talked a lot about Russian society supporting or tolerating the current regime. But there are also Russians who oppose it and are ready to fight. What personally motivates you the most to believe in a future free Russia?

What motivates me the most is that I am a Christian, an Orthodox person.

Even if I imagine that all my struggle in the earthly sense will be in vain, that my comrades and I will not be able to overthrow the regime, that Russia will remain the same Mordor or turn into North Korea, I am still already fighting for my own soul.

I save my soul by saving other people. This is very important to me.

There is a saying in Christianity that says there is no greater love than to lay down one's life for one's friends. And I try to live by that belief.

I am just like everyone else. I am just as afraid of death. I know what death is because it has passed right by me many times. And I am grateful to God that I am alive.

But I will not stop fighting. Even if I do not achieve all my earthly goals, I hope that these efforts will matter to God.

I don't want to seem wiser than others or claim to be able to foresee everything in advance. However, I am absolutely convinced of the rightness of our cause.

And I am also convinced that the current regime will fall, and after it we will be able to build another country.

When exactly that will happen, I don't know. It may be much sooner than some people think, or it may take a long time. But for me, it's not just a matter of politics, it's a matter of faith and personal duty.

Finally, let's imagine that we are now being watched by a Russian who understands what is happening, does not support Putin, but is afraid to do anything. What would you say to such a person?

Dear Russians, I am just like you. I am just as afraid of death, imprisonment, and pain. But once I overcame my fear, and after that, moving forward became easier and easier.

Courage can also be learned. And fear itself does not make a person weak.

I always tell my soldiers on the front lines that fear cannot be completely lost. When a person loses fear on the battlefield, he can lose his caution, and this is deadly.

So it's normal to be afraid. The question is whether you will allow fear to completely define your life.

Working in the resistance, by the way, does not necessarily involve direct participation in hostilities. There are different forms of participation, and each person must be aware of the risks.

You might think that if you speak out against the regime, the secret services will definitely come after you. But the problem is that in today's Russia, they can come after you even without any participation in the resistance.

I will tell you a story that, according to the information I know, happened about two weeks ago in Novosibirsk. There was a 63-year-old man there, I think his name was Sergei Yegorov.

He lived near the cell phone tower where the fire broke out. And it was only because he was near the scene that Russian security forces became interested in him.

As far as I know, he was detained, interrogated for a long time, his phone was checked, his home, dacha, and garage were searched. They tried to find evidence of his involvement in the arson or ties to Ukraine.

But, according to the information I have, no evidence was ever found. Despite this, they continued to pressure the man, trying to get him to confess, at least to arson for hooligan motives.

This is an elderly person. Such trials can seriously affect his health. And what the future fate of this man will be, I do not know.

That's why I say that anyone can be arrested without any real reason. Law enforcement officers need statistics, they need to report on arrests, exposures, and solved cases.

And they may not care who exactly will be under suspicion: the person who did something, or someone who just lived nearby or happened to be passing by.

Therefore, I urge Russians to consider whether it is worth waiting for the repressive system to affect them personally. I am convinced that a future without fear is possible, but it will require efforts from Russians themselves.

I want our children and grandchildren to live in a free, prosperous country. And for that, I will continue to fight.

Thank you for the conversation and your struggle. I hope your message will be heard by those for whom it is intended.

And I am very grateful to you for this conversation. For me, such meetings are an opportunity to gain new strength, support, and confidence that we are moving in the right direction.

I am grateful to our viewers, all our brothers, the soldiers of the legion, the resistance fighters, and the representatives of the "Freedom of Russia" movement working abroad. I believe in our victory.

This interview has been shortened, corrected, and edited for better understanding by the audience.

Caesar assessed the threat of a Russian attack on the Baltic countries: watch the video